Workers vs. Big Tech: A New Politics for US Democrats

Currently, more than 11% of all United States workforce skills (worth approximately $1.2 trillion) are replaceable by artificial intelligence (AI). Amidst uncertainty, leading experts claim AI could lead to unemployment rates as high as 80%.

In an effort to address these growing concerns surrounding workforce automation, the U.S. Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions committee, whose Ranking Member is Sen. Bernie Sanders, published a 2025 Minority Staff Report titled: ‘The Big Tech Oligarchs’ War Against Workers: AI and Automation Could Destroy Nearly 100 Million U.S. Jobs in a Decade’. The report outlines how mass job displacement could happen against the backdrop of historically low worker protections and historically high income inequality. 

A challenge arises for workers needing to rapidly organise amidst fast-paced automation, but also against a federal government that is favourable to Big Tech. As Democrats seek to transform their party and take back control of Congress, they should coalesce around a strategy that prioritises the following: economic inequality, organised labour and resisting Big Tech. Such an approach will allow for a productive, new politics to emerge. 

Economic Inequality

Elon Musk single-handedly owns more wealth than the bottom 52% of U.S. society, and the top 1% own more than the bottom 93%. Economic hardship has been a top concern amongst U.S. voters for a long time, and it is not going away. According to a recent poll by The Economist/YouGov, a majority of respondents feel the economy is ‘getting worse’ and that prices will be higher in one year from now.

There is ample evidence to suggest the implementation of AI into the economy will increase the unequal distribution of wealth, which is already at historic levels. Furthermore, almost 60% of U.S. respondents told PEW Research in 2024 that automation contributes a ‘great deal/fair amount’ to economic inequality. Nonetheless, the Trump administration is creating an AI Litigation Task Force to ‘challenge State AI laws inconsistent’ with his position of AI dominance through minimal regulation, alongside directions given to federal departments to strip regulator states of funding. 

Meanwhile, on 9 December 2025, House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries announced the new ‘House Democratic Commission on AI and the Innovation Economy’, co-chaired by Reps. Ted Lieu and Josh Gottheimer. Those leading the commission have deep ties to Big Tech, both financially and politically. Furthermore, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer’s leading AI concern appears to be ensuring ‘[U.S.] persons have priority in acquiring [advanced AI] chips’ over China. In this sense, Schumer’s overall position has not been distinct from Republicans.

Democratic leadership needs to shift focus by addressing the economic anxieties felt by average Americans and linking it to the fight against AI and Big Tech. After all, the public is not convinced that unregulated AI innovation is a good thing, especially when it is led by executives who say that ‘everybody’s replaceable’.

Granted, taking on Big Tech companies directly will cause fundraising concerns in the Democratic establishment, but the fundraising path forward for Democrats is grassroots. Even now, despite the favourable electoral environment for the midterms, Republicans receive significantly more funding from Political Action Committees (PACs). If Democrats want to build a long-term vision, they need campaigns that are widespread, grassroots and funded by individuals. One way forward to strengthen this strategy is by getting closer to unions.

Organised Labour

The last time such wealth inequality existed in the U.S., following the Gilded Age, the country experienced an unprecedented labour movement and explosion of union membership in the workforce. Now, too, there is a growing political appetite for unionisation. Union election petitions have more than doubled since 2021 — but as U.S. workers organise, they face an uphill battle against increasing replaceability via automation and immense disadvantage against tech companies. By rallying picket lines and organising with workers, Democrats can channel economic discontent into real political momentum.

Following the labour movement of the early 20th century, what followed was the enshrinement of union rights through the National Labor Relations Act and subsequent amendments in the Taft-Hartley Act.The largely restrictive legislation outlawed actions like unauthorised walkouts, solidarity strikes, large picket efforts and union funding of federal campaigns.

Today, the Taft-Hartley Act remains, and Sen. Sanders is calling to repeal Section 14(b), which enables restrictive ‘right-to-work’ laws and includes measures that curtail secondary boycott actions. Such a decision would empower millions of workers with real political power to collectively steer the government, especially on regulatory issues related to AI and technology. In the next Congress, Democrats should capitalise on any opportunity to champion these reforms and empower workers.

Bringing labour into policymaking spaces will therefore be crucial to apply pressure. Democrats should follow union leadership on technology and join them when front-line action is taken, namely strikes. Furthermore, politicians should invite labour leaders to Washington for press conferences and leverage these in-roads to better inform antitrust enforcement. Integrating unions pays off in elections. For example, just look to former President Joe Biden, Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, and New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani.

The message should be clear: While Republicans advocate for ‘a minimally burdensome national policy framework for AI’, Democrats will advocate for a minimally burdensome national policy framework for labour.

Resist Big Tech

People in the U.S. are increasingly dissatisfied with the ultra-rich. According to Pew Research Center, in 2019, 82% of Americans said big corporations and wealthy people have too much influence in the economy, and 61% viewed technology companies the same. More recently, Pew found Americans are sceptical of AI.

This issue has yet to be recognised as a political problem and remains largely unclaimed by both parties. Currently, the federal government partners with AI companies, uses their services to replace federal workers, and surveils federal employees with AI. Democrats must offer a clear alternative that rejects Big Tech’s political and economic domination.

Credibly delivering on this alternative will require political leadership guided by unions in addition to aggressive, bureaucratic talent. One bureaucrat who provides a blueprint is former Federal Trade Commission (FTC) chair Lina Khan, who was recently tapped for NYC Mayor Mamdani's administration. During her time at the FTC, Khan spearheaded efforts to hold Big Tech accountable by focusing antitrust laws on their predatory pricing models and control of essential infrastructure.

In 2023, Khan warned that AI tools can be used for price-fixing, targeted price discrimination, fraud and automating discrimination. Her initiatives at the FTC received overwhelming national support and represents exactly the kind of bureaucratic action Democrats should continue to pursue.

First, however, Democrats need to win back voters’ trust. According to recent polls, unions are ‘the only tested group that a majority of voters trust’ in the U.S. when compared to politicians, parties and corporations. Unions are also the most trusted group for protecting workers from potential AI harms.

As more Democrats call for ‘new blood’ in the party, it would be remiss to think voters are only asking for different politicians. Rather, voters want a different politics. Focusing on the empowerment of labour unions can enable such fruitful partnerships, and embracing labour strategies will spearhead change for a party in need of new direction.

Conclusion

While the Senate Minority Staff Report admits that ‘no one knows exactly what will happen’ with AI and labour, there is a clear political argument for Democrats to make: A few, incredibly powerful people are steering emerging technology toward aims that stand to worsen economic inequality, infringe on workers’ rights and entrench political control of the wealthy.

If Democrats want to revitalise the economy and also party politics, then the way forward is hand-in-hand with organised labour. However, the partnership cannot end at campaigning. Democrats must aggressively pursue new economic policies through actions like repealing the Taft-Hartley Act, pursuing robust antitrust enforcement and promoting wealth redistribution. To achieve these transformations, workers must be put at the helm of this political moment.

Andrew Hastings is a researcher and human rights investigator, part of the Hertie School’s 2026 Master of International Affairs cohort. He has experience in OSINT, field work, human rights law, and he maintains a portfolio of creative writing, photography, and filmmaking. In 2024, he earned a B.A. in Theatre and English from Dean College (Massachusetts) and spent a semester abroad in Bard College Berlin’s Arts & Society program during 2023.